Tuesday, June 28, 2016

Questioning Raghuram Rajan's patriotism is great injustice, says PM Modi - Wish he said this earlier

http://www.business-standard.com/article/economy-policy/questioning-raghuram-rajan-s-patriotism-is-great-injustice-says-pm-modi-116062701326_1.html

Questioning Raghuram Rajan's patriotism is great injustice, says PM Modi

The PM termed the attack on Rajan and other Finance Ministry officials as "improper" and declared that "no one is bigger than institutions".


PM defends Rajan, rebukes Swamy

Breaking his silence over the Raghuram Rajan episode, Prime Minister Narendra Modi today said people who have questioned the patriotism of the outgoing Reserve Bank of India governor were doing him “great injustice”. The PM termed the attack on Rajan and other Finance Ministry officials as “improper” and declared that “no one is bigger than institutions”. The PM didn’t refer to anyone by name but said those indulging in “publicity stunts” should not think that they were furthering the cause of the nation. 

The PM strongly advocated the need for the Goods and Services Tax (GST) reform and hoped that the arithmetic, after the recent biennial elections to the Rajya Sabha, could pave the way for its passage in the forthcoming monsoon session. He singled out the Congress for stalling the government’s legislative agenda in the Upper House, including the constitution amendment, and termed those opposing the Bill as “anti-poor”. 

The PM responded to questions on a range of issues, from foreign policy to poor job growth, in an 85-minute interview to private news channel Times Now. Nowhere did he refer to his party’s Rajya Sabha member Subramanian Swamy by name, but seemed to say much both on Rajan as well as the GST that runs counter to Swamy’s statements on either of the two issues. 

In recent past, Swamy has doubted the patriotism of not just Rajan but also of Chief Economic Advisor Arvind Subramanian, attacked other finance ministry officials and made disparaging tweets that seemed directed at Finance Minister Arun Jaitley. The Finance Minister’s defence of officials was met by Swamy announcing that Jaitley can say whatever but he speaks only with the PM and party president Amit Shah. Swamy, brought into the Rajya Sabha earlier this year at the behest of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and a section of the Bharatiya Janata Party leadership, told industry lobby Indian Merchant Chamber on June 17 that the GST will be “no game changer”, and reminded the audience that Modi as Gujarat chief minister had opposed the tax reform. 

Party officials, in off the record briefings, have been conveying to media persons that the BJP doesn't agree with Swamy’s views but also that only the PM or Shah can make him fall in line. In a message that seemed aimed at both Swamy as well as his backers in the RSS, the PM asked people to conduct themselves responsibly and said anybody who thought they were bigger than institutions were wrong. “It is my clear message. I have no confusion about it,” he said, indications that the rift between a section of the RSS and Modi government was widening. 

In the interview, the PM stoutly defended Rajan. The PM pointed at the plethora of media reports in May-June 2014 that had wondered whether he will allow Rajan to complete his term. “But Rajan completed his entire tenure…,” Modi said. In an echo of Rajan’s statement that had announced that he was unlikely to pursue a second term at the RBI but will always serve his country, the PM said Rajan’s patriotism “is no less than any of ours”. Modi said his experience with Rajan was good and he appreciated the work Rajan had done. In comments that should assuage Non-Resident Indians willing to work for the government but unnerved after Swamy's attack, Modi said: “As much as I know Raghuram Rajan, whatever post he holds, wherever he is, he is someone who will continue to serve the country. He is someone who loves his country. Therefore, it's not like the nation won't get Rajan's services. Rajan is not that kind of a person,” the PM said. 

On other issues, Modi reiterated the need for simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and state assemblies, asserted that the Uttar Pradesh polls will be fought on the issue of development and advised the media to not make “heroes” out of those who claim to be BJP spokespersons and make irresponsible statements. He said development was the panacea to communal tensions as well. Modi said the investigation into the Agusta helicopter scam was on, and that it will be conducted professionally without targeting people. Modi said the scam was pulled off by those who had perfected this art and it was evident that they enjoyed a “shield”. On willful defaulters like industrialist Vijay Mallya who have gone overseas, the PM said: “I will show them what rule of law is.” 

The PM bemoaned the parliamentary logjam. He, however, said it was wrong to paint the entire opposition with the same brush as there were several non-NDA parties that have supported the legislative agenda of the government. He said GST will help the poor of UP, Bihar, Odisha and Bengal and its chief ministers – Akhilesh Yadav, Nitish Kumar, Naveen Patnaik and Mamata Banerjee – were keen for it to be passed. Modi said that only one party, the Congress, made opposing the GST a “prestige issue”. “But I will keep trying to convince…even if I have to go to someone’s house,” he said. 

On the issue of unaccounted money, Modi accused the UPA government of allowing people with ‘black money’ opportunities from 2011 to 2014 to conceal it. The PM defended his Pakistan outreach and said his government was engaging with the democratically elected government in Islamabad, but there were other non-state actors that were also at play in that country. On India-US relations, Modi said India has been late in realizing that it was no longer a bipolar world. 

On New Delhi’s bid for an entry to the Nuclear Suppliers Group, the PM said the process has started on a “positive note” and will be pursued in conformity with the rules of the 48-member grouping. He said India and China disagreed on several issues but dialogue will continue. The important change, Modi said, was that India was keeping its concerns in unambiguous terms in front of China. Modi defended his frequent overseas tours. He said it was important for him to meet foreign leaders to dispel any misconceptions that they might have about him as an individual by reading media coverage about him. 

The PM said the cornerstone of his government’s policies was ‘Antyodaya’ or the welfare of the poorest. On the criticism that his government has failed to generate jobs, the PM said the data on job generation has failed to capture the job growth spurred by the scheme, that has disbursed loans to nearly 3.48 crore people. 

The PM said a correct assessment of his government’s two years in office should be made by comparing it with the last 10 years of the UPA, and not at the altar of the expectations that his election campaign had generated. On the promise that each Indian would have Rs 15 lakh in their bank accounts, Modi said: “That is something the opposition raises during elections. Let them have some issue to talk about.” 

Monday, June 27, 2016

Entry to Club denied | NSG

http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-entry-to-the-club-denied-2227943
As of now, China has the last word on India’s NSG bid
The plenary of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) at Seoul has concluded, and it is China that has emerged triumphant in what can best be described as intense diplomatic wrestling. Beijing has managed to achieve what it set it out to do, even before the plenary was convened formally — ie, block India’s membership at the NSG, at any cost.
Surfacing more than clearly is the fact that China was decidedly prepared to scuttle India’s application for the NSG membership, even if it was to be the last man standing. What worked in Chinese favour is that the NSG, as a group, works on decision-making by consensus, and not by majority vote. Had that been the case, then India’s bid received thumping support from 32 nations in the 48-member NSG.
There are multiple geo-political and geo-strategic realities that India has to contend with, and work towards, post the Seoul NSG plenary outcome. To begin with, it is evidently unambiguous that China does, in fact, remain opposed to India’s membership and entry into the NSG. This is contrary to what Indian External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj said during a detailed interaction with the media a week prior to the plenary, wherein she rather unexpectedly proclaimed that “China is not opposed to India’s entry into the Nuclear Suppliers Group”. Swaraj’s comments came just days after Foreign Secretary S Jaishankar visited Beijing to discuss India’s NSG bid, leading to speculation of what message did the Foreign Secretary carry back with him from Beijing. Swaraj’s argument that “Beijing is focusing on criteria procedure” does hold true, but only to an extent. The reality is that China is taking the route of “criteria procedure” as a means to ultimately reach its desired end, that of blocking India’s NSG membership – as demonstrated amply at the NSG plenary. There are no two ways about it.
Lead Chinese negotiator and Director-General of the Department of Arms Control, Wang Qun, craftily used the signing of the “NPT criteria” as being “really an issue” for members, and that “this is not a rule set by China, this is the rule set by the NSG and reaffirmed by the international community”. What is critical to note here is that China is fast gaining traction by virtue of injecting a Sino-centric rearrangement of the world order, and seemingly challenging the existing liberal global order. And in doing so, Beijing seeks to reject the charge made by Indian MEA spokesperson that of “… procedural hurdles persistently raised by one country” — a tacit reference to China. Wang challenged that China was not in isolation during the session by claiming “…not only China, but dozens of countries share China’s view that we need to discuss how we can go forward, how can we deal with non-NPT states as a whole, before taking up India’s case”.
It is nothing short of a paradox that China with its much blemished record on non-proliferation, is talking about “rules”. The iniquitous and illicit nuclear and missile-related proliferation activities ran by China across Asia since the 1980s, directly, and indirectly, has caused irretrievable alteration of strategic realities across Asia.
The NSG event has also delivered a verdict on personality factors and the extent of influence it could end up yielding. PM Narendra Modi made a fervent push for India’s case by urging President Xi Jinping “…to make a fair and objective assessment of India’s application” while they met on the sidelines of the SCO Summit in Tashkent. However, it seemed to have done little to convince Xi, given that the 45-minutes Tashkent meeting between the two ended without a statement of support from China. This drives towards taking note of a vital development. While evaluating the various determinants in foreign policy-making, many a time, it is individuals and personalities who could end up being most profound in terms of outcomes. Eight years back, India was granted a waiver at the NSG following the full weight of the George W Bush administration in support of New Delhi, including the clincher phone call made by President Bush to Chinese President Hu Jintao, following which Beijing relented. This time round however, India and the US have had to deal with a far more obstinate Xi Jinping — whose leadership, political standing and control, labels him as China’s most powerful and tight-fisted ruler since Deng Xiaoping, and possibly even Mao Zedong.
Let there be no doubt that Xi Jinping is the locus of Chinese politico-diplomatic belligerence bringing to focus the larger debate structured around the growing power and influence of China. And, as part of this chessboard, Beijing will continue to keep India confined regionally, expectedly through the Pakistan angle (including during future discussions at the NSG) and challenge India’s appearance on the global stage, especially as far as New Delhi’s role in international rule-making is concerned. In the long-term, China aims to deny India a permanent seat in the UN Security Council, for which membership at the NSG would be a key milestone for India to build up its case.
While New Delhi’s declared effort for an immediate membership at the NSG has undoubtedly received a setback, it does not impact the nuclear fuel supply agreements and the supply of nuclear power plants from a number of countries. However, being denied membership at the NSG, India cannot access state-of-the-art nuclear technologies, or begin commercial production of nuclear power equipment. Having leaving no stone unturned to deny India the NSG membership, Chinese spite was conveyed via a state-run Xinhua commentary which offered “Chinese help to India to address its nuclear energy needs”. Beijing, apparently, is “ready to explore cooperation in this field”. New Delhi should effectively snub this overture made by China for nuclear commerce, and should muscle up diplomatically to take on Beijing in the next rounds of negotiations at multiple, bilateral and multilateral meetings and forums.

Thursday, June 23, 2016

India's final push for NSG

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/as-nsg-plenarys-final-match-gets-under-way-team-india-makes-its-moves-through-48member-group/article8764078.ece

As NSG plenary’s final match gets under way, Team India makes its moves through 48-member group



Foreign Secretary S. Jaishankar is leading the Indian team giving the last push to India's NSG membership application, in Seoul.
PTI
Foreign Secretary S. Jaishankar is leading the Indian team giving the last push to India's NSG membership application, in Seoul.

While the breakthrough may come from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s talks in Tashkent, the final outcome of India’s pitch will be seen in Seoul.

Senior Indian officials are working their way through all the various blocs at the 48-member Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), giving the last push to New Delhi's membership application during this year’s annual plenary that got underway on Thursday at Seoul’s Shilla Hotel. While the breakthrough may come from the Prime Minister’s talks in Tashkent, the final outcome of India’s pitch will be seen here.
Led by Foreign Secretary S. Jaishankar, an expert in nuclear issues himself and who has served in high profile positions in Indian missions in the US, China, Russia and Japan (key countries in the NSG), the Indian team includes its top official on nuclear issues Amandeep Singh Gill, who has negotiated the details of India’s civil nuclear agreements and MoUs with countries including Canada, US, Australia and Japan in the past few years. Also in Seoul is India’s Ambassador to South Korea Vikram Doraiswami, who has served in the PMO’s of both Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh, and handled the America desk during the crucial phases of the India-U.S. civil nuclear engagement.
It is unclear whether they are meeting a Chinese team led by senior Ministry of Foreign Affairs officials, which had led the main objectors to India’s campaign.
NSG deliberations are held behind closed doors, and the Indian team does not have access to the meeting at present, and it is understood that “only a few countries”, including Turkey, Austria, Ireland, New Zealand, and South Africa have been holding out on giving India their support publicly. However, given the consensus rule for the NSG, even one of those countries can derail India’s quest during this session.
US, UK, France proclaim support
In the past few days, countries like the U.S., the U.K. and France have made public proclamations of support to India’s bid, calling on other members to follow suit, while Russian President Putin said that India’s case was “special” and must be supported within the ambits of international law. The U.S., in particular, has been working the phones to canvas for India.Hosts South Korea and the country chairing the session, Argentina, have both been pushing India’s case as well, and have ensured several rounds of unofficial talk between the NSG members this past week.
Diplomats rejected criticism that India’s timeline was too “ambitious.” “What we are asking for is immediate membership”, a government source said on Wednesday, making it clear that India was not pursuing a compromise solution or a deferment of the decision as an option either.
“NSG members have discussed the question of non-NPT (countries that haven’t signed the Non Proliferation Treaty) several times since 2011, including up to the special session convened in Vienna on June 9-10” said a senior official, indicating that the time to bring it on the group’s formal agenda was now. China has been couching its opposition to India’s accession by calling for “criteria-based” process for entry of all non-NPT countries.
However, the criteria process has thrown up other problems in the past few days. While India has said it would not object to other non-NPT nations joining the NSG, it may not be as simple to convince others. China and Turkey have been keen to bring Pakistan into the NSG-fold along with India, but given Pakistan’s record in illicit nuclear trade, non-proliferation hardliners like Ireland, Austria and New Zealand would possibly disallow that.
Even countries like the U.S. have made it clear that Pakistan’s membership application isn’t ready, until it puts many more safeguards in place. Israel is the other non-NPT contender, although it has not yet applied for membership, and no doubt will raise opposition from some of the other members.
At present, unless China shifts its position, only Namibia, which is a signatory of the NPT and has applied this year, is likely to be considered, officials said.
If the membership issue is not taken up or discussed during the plenary on Thursday and Friday, it would not mean an end to India’s hopes, however, and the issue may be taken up at another special session later this year.
India has been keen to complete the process during US President Barack Obama’s tenure, given that he had made a commitment to help India with the NSG during his visit in 2010.
When asked about the consequences of a loss in Seoul, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj had compared the NSG campaign to running a Lok Sabha election campaign. “You close your ears to the possibility of defeat,” he said.
According to a seasoned diplomat privy to the campaign, it was like “learning to ride a bicycle”. “You wont know if you succeed until you get on the bike. You may get hurt the first few times, but you have to get back on and keep trying.”

BJP ignoring the middle class?

Is BJP ignoring the middle class? Yes, Modi doesn’t want to be another Vajpayee

http://www.firstpost.com/politics/is-bjp-ignoring-the-middle-class-yes-modi-doesnt-want-to-be-another-vajpayee-2850086.html


An outstanding communicator who could take holders of divergent views along in managing a difficult coalition, Atal Bihari Vajpayee was a prime minister sans pareil. But despite his sagacity, all-encompassing nature and the reputation for being a 'vikas purush' (an icon of development), Vajpayee failed to get a second term in office. Narendra Modicertainly wouldn't mind being called a statesman but instead of universal acceptability, the incumbent prime minister is more interested in playing a much longer innings.
In December 2003, Vajpayee — a poet and orator par excellence — was at the height of his popularity, earning respect from even his detractors for being a leader with a vision. In the Assembly elections, the BJP had turned in a terrific performance, sweeping to power in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chattisgarh. General elections were due in just a few months and the overwhelming belief was that the NDA would be voted in again.
An opinion poll conducted in January 2004 by India Today — Org Marg predicted 330-340 seats for BJP-led NDA in the 545-seat Parliament. The poll also indicated that while Vajpayee's popularity ratings have soared to 47 percent, that of Sonia remained at 23 percent.
Enthused by the perception ('mahaul' is an infinitely better to put it) and brimming with confidence, the BJP mounted an aggressive 'India Shining' campaign. Vajpayee dissolved the Lok Sabha prematurely to capitalize on the tailwind and also perhaps to avoid the fallout of an errant monsoon. Home Minister LK Advani started his Bharat Uday yatra.
File photo of AB Vajpayee and Narendra Modi. AFP
File photo of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Narendra Modi. AFP
What happened next has confounded most pollsters and analysts to this day. Various theories have been propagated. The chief among those (and the one that has gained wide acceptability) explains that BJP and Vajpayee focused too much on the middle-class metrics and ignored the underclass. It is said that the rural poor took the India Shining as a personal affront and decided to teach the arrogant NDA a lesson by warming up to Congress and its slogan 'Congress ka haath, aam admi ka sath'.
In their book 'Winning the Mandate: The Indian Experience', authors Bidyut Chakrabarty and Sugato Hazra write that "the problem that the campaign overlooked was that its audience could not be the impoverished masses… In a country where a large section of the population lived under abject poverty, the very concept of 'India Shining' was certainly not a feel-good factor."
By April 2003, Indian share market had an inflow of $4.1 billion, rupee the third-best performing currency against the dollar and India best performing economy after China. BJP reckoned that these would provide enough momentum for Vajpayee, except that these metrics are chiefly the concern of the middle class.
That aside, Vajpayee-led BJP "wanted to break away from its branding as a 'temple party'" and by shunning the mandir, it managed to alienate its core voters and RSS, VHP cadres in working for its electoral cause.
Modi has no plans of becoming another Vajpayee.
He has made second term in 2019 his top priority. And is working assiduously towards that end. The Prime Minister has taken two important lessons from NDA's 2004 debacle.
One, infrastructural and urban development, while necessary, are structural reforms that give long-standing but delayed returns. In the short term, for an economy that is overwhelmingly still agrarian and hopelessly dependent on monsoon, rights-based entitlements cannot be done away with.
The Congress may have stalled growth, widened the fiscal deficit and miserably failed to implement most of their rights-based schemes but the fact that they professed to be with the "gareeb, kisaan and pichde warg" has helped them win election after election. It is another matter that a government should not need a justiciable rights-based act to be whipped into doing its work, providing food, education, healthcare and sanitation for the poor.
Modi came to power riding a reform agenda and promised to do away with the various social schemes of the UPA such as the NREGA or the MNREGA, but has taken a stunning U-turn since assuming office. From a right of centre spectrum, the BJP — as the 2016 Budget showed — has moved to a more centrist position. Arun Jaitley's budget had a clear socialist slant and the stamp of Modi on it was clear. It explicitly focused on improving the situation in rural India and providing relief to the agricultural sector. The social spendings increased manifold. It was evident that 'suit boot ki sarkar' jibe had drawn blood.
Now social spendings need resources. Where would the money for these expansive schemes come from? This is where Modi took his second lesson from NDA's 2004 defeat. A series of recent steps indicate that the PM is unwilling to woo his core votebank, the middle class, anymore.
The 2016-17 Budget had no significant tax sops for middle class. Instead new taxes were piled on. The service tax rate increased from 12.36 per cent to 15 per cent, a 21.3 per cent increase in the last two years. This makes everything from telephone bills to broadband internet, watching movies to eating out with families costlier.
The NDA government has refused to pass on the windfall benefits of a crash in oil prices in global markets with a variety of taxes and cesses , denying the motorcycle or small car owners some extra cash in pocket.
Not just that. The government, in a stated bid to make India a pension-based society, announced in the Budget that interest earned on 60 per cent of provident fund (PF) contributions after 1 April, 2016, will be taxed at the time of withdrawal, a plan it had to roll back after vociferous protests from the salaried class.
At least in the medium to short term, it is quite evident that Modi is focusing on the underclass and ramping up social spending. And in doing so, he is levying a plethora of taxes at the risk of antagonizing the middle class. He either thinks that this bloc is too fractured to make a difference at the hustings or there is time yet to woo them back.
But Modi's friction with the middle class has gone beyond 'tax terrorism'.
A demographically young India which wants jobs and development is uncomfortable with BJP's core Hindutva agenda. Modi was able to differentiate himself from other Prime Ministerial candidates in 2014 by tapping into the developmental aspirations of a cross-section of middle India that felt frustrated by the UPA government's scams and poor economic record. Many neutral or swing voters went along with his 'minimum government, maximum governance' slogan. Building temples or banning beef was not a promise that enthused them.
However, as PM, Modi has either been unable to contain the Sangh agenda or defang the Hindu far right as he did as a Gujarat chief minister or he reckons that this core support base is too precious to be challenged. The way the likes of Yogi Adityanath, the BJP MP from Gorakhpur who on Saturday during a Ram Katha programme in Uttar Pradesh said that Mother Teresa was part of a “conspiracy for Christianisation of India”, has been allowed to indulge in polarizing topics, it appears that BJP's strategy in states such as UP would be to embark on a combined approach.
The Prime Minister in his rallies will exclusively focus on development, the ground strategy will focus on caste-based equations while some of the hotheads will be allowed to soft-polarize the electorate. This might be a good electoral strategy, but the middle class sees this as a deviation from the path Modi had promised to take.
As if attacking India's institutions and appointing mediocre political stooges like Pahlaj Nihalani and Gajendra Chauhan wasn't enough, Modi's handling of l'affaire Raghuram Rajan has angered the middle class even further. Arguments can be made on both sides and a government is entitled to appoint the public servant it chooses but the RBI governor is a man of great intellect, integrity and acclaim. The middle class looks up to such figures. Whether or not it's true, the perception is that the former IMF chief was made to leave and that certainly hasn't pleased this section.
Modi had branded himself as the champion of a neo-liberal middle class. The latest revisions prove that he has no dogmatic belief in any ideology. He is rather a pragmatist who is solely focused on getting re-elected in 2019.

Wednesday, June 22, 2016

ISRO Rocketing Away -Record 20 Satellites

http://gadgets.ndtv.com/science/news/isros-pslv-c34-rocket-blasts-off-with-20-satellites-852061
Isro's PSLV-C34 Rocket Puts Into Orbit Record 20 Satellites 


Isro's PSLV-C34 Rocket Puts Into Orbit Record 20 Satellites

HIGHLIGHTS

  • PSLV C34 contained CartoSat, Google's SkySat and 18 other satellites.
  • The PSLV lifted off from Sriharikota on Wednesday.
  • The whole launch mission got over in around 26 minutes.
India on Wednesday morning successfully put into orbit its own Cartosat earth observation satellite and 19 other satellites, including one belonging to the Google company Terra Bella.
With this India successfully completed yet another multiple satellite launches in a single rocket mission.
"The PSLV rocket has done its job. We have current generation Cartosat satellite," A.S.Kiran Kumar, Chairman, Indian Space Research Organisation (Isro) said soon after the launch.
"One of the main aspects of the launch is the shutting down and the restarting of the rocket's fourth stage twice. This time we did as a trial-restarting of the engine. We did a trail in an earlier PSLV rocket," said S. Somanath, Director, Liquid Propulsion Systems Centre.
The rocket Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle's (PSLV) main cargo was India's 725.5 kg Cartosat-2 series satellite for earth observation with a design life of five years.
This satellite is similar to the earlier Cartosat-2, 2A and 2B.
The other 19 satellites weighing totally around 560 kg are from US, Canada, Germany and Indonesia as well as one satellite each from Chennai's Sathyabama University and College of Engineering, Pune.
The entire mission was over in around 26 minutes.
The images sent by Cartosat satellite will be useful for cartographic, urban, rural, coastal land use, water distribution and other applications.
According to Isro, the 110 kg SkySat Gen2-1 belonging to Terra Bella, a Google company, is a small earth imaging satellite capable of capturing sub-metre resolution imagery and high definition video.
The Planet Lab's Dove Satellites are also earth imaging satellites. A total of 12 Dove satellites each weighing 4.7 kg were carried in this mission inside three QuadPack dispensers, Isro said.
The PSLV rocket also put into orbit the 85 kg M3MSat from Canada. The technology demonstration mission is jointly funded and managed by Defence Research and Development Canada and the Canadian Space Agency.
The other satellites that were launched are: 120 kg LAPSN-A3 of Indonesia, the 130 kg BIROS, from German Aerospace Centre, Germany and the 25.5 kg GHGSat-D, Canada.
Exactly at 9.26 a.m. the PSLV rocket standing 44.4 metres tall and weighing 320 tonne tore into the morning skies with fierce orange flames at its tail.
Gathering speed every second the rocket raced towards the heavens amidst the cheers of the Isro officials and the media team assembled at the rocket port here.
At the rocket mission control room Indian space scientists at Isro were glued to their computer screens watching the rocket escaping the earth's gravitational pull.
Just over 17 minutes into the flight, the PSLV rocket ejected Cartosat at an altitude of around 515 km.
It was followed by the two other Indian satellites -the 1.5 kg Sathyabamasat from Sathyabama University that would collect data on green house gases and the 1 kg Swayam satellite from College of Engineering, Pune, to provide point-to-point messaging services to the HAM radio community.
Soon the other satellites were put into orbit.
It was the first time that Isro is launching 20 satellites with one rocket.
In 2008, the Isro had launched 10 satellites with the PSLV rocket.
With the success of Wednesday's rocket mission, India has successfully launched 74 satellites for international customers.

Swamy Aims for Aravind now

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/now-subramanian-swamy-calls-for-cea-arvind-subramanians-sacking/article8759586.ece

Now, Swamy wants CEA Arvind Subramanian sacked

COMMENT (24)   ·   PRINT   ·   T  T  

BJP leader Subramanian Swamy, who directed a tirade against RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan, on Wednesday posted a series of tweets, targeting economist and Chief Economic Adviser (CEA) Arvind Subramanian. The BJP leader has called for the sacking of the economist.
Dr. Swamy’s attack comes in the wake of reports of Mr. Subramanian being among the probable successor of Mr. Rajan.
Congress leader Digvijaya Singh claimed that Dr. Swamy's target was Union Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, and not Mr. Subramanian.
Dr. Swamy had written to Prime Minister Narendra Modi seeking the immediate sacking of Mr. Rajan, alleging that he was “mentally not fully Indian” and had “wilfully” wrecked the economy.
Mr. Rajan was appointed RBI governor by the previous UPA government in September 2013 for a three-year term. Incidently, both Mr. Rajan and Mr. Subramanian have worked at the IMF.